Science Marxiste

  • Le texte français du Manifeste, établi à partir de la traduction de Laura Lafargue, est présenté face au texte allemand de la première édition (1848) et accompagné de toutes les préfaces de Marx et Engels.

    L'appendice présente une chronologie des premières éditions du Manifeste jusqu'à 1914 dans les différents pays et les différentes langues, des notes sur ces premières éditions et des notices biographiques des promoteurs et des traducteurs.

  • La obra de Engels es una detallada exposición de los fundamentos del marxismo a los que el socialismo está unido. El autor recoge la evolución de las ideas desde la Ilustración francesa a la filosofía idealista alemana pasando por la economía clásica inglesa hasta llegar al comunismo y socialismo utópicos. El Antidühring es un tesoro de ciencia de la política porque proporciona los instrumentos conceptuales para analizar el movimiento de la política, de sus instituciones, de sus poderes y de sus determinaciones.

  • When 150 years ago, in March 1871, the young Paris proletariat attempted to «storm heaven», fiercely put down by the bloody reaction of the French bourgeoisie - in agreement, on that occasion, with the Prussian invader to crush their common deadly enemy - it was once again clear, as is written in the Manifesto, that the history of all hitherto existing societies is «the history of class struggle».
    As early as 1848, the working class, which had begun to take its first steps just a few decades before, had had to pay a tragic price for its illusion that its political battle could be fought in agreement with the bourgeoisie, albeit with its more liberal and progressive currents. With the Commune, whatever remained of that ingenuous hope was swept away by cannon fire, while it was clear, on the contrary, that «workers of all countries, unite!» was not just a simple appeal to feelings of solidarity, but a fundamental scientific synthesis, a vital requirement for revolutionary strategy.
    It lasted for only two months. And yet an unreplaceable legacy of experiences was concentrated in the short span of that ardent season, in the heart of Paris. It definitively resolved, when put to the test, a series of fundamental theoretical issues of socialism. It was the first attempt to create a new world: a revolution, according to what Marx stated in his first draft of the text, «not against this or that - legitimist, constitutional, republican, or imperialist - form of state», but against the state itself. It was against this «supernatural abortion of society», the tool of the «war engine of capital against labour», for the «resumption by the people for the people of its own social life».

  • There is ample evidence that this work played an essential role in forming generations of Marxists. A. Labriola, in Socialism and Philosophy (1897) wrote : « Anti-Dühring is that work which ought to get an international circulation before any other. I know of few books which are equal to it in compactness of thought, multiplicity of viewpoints, and effectiveness in bringing home its points. It may become mental medicine for young thinkers, who generally turn with vague and uncertain touch to books which are said to deal with socialism of some kind. » D. Riazanov, in a conference on Marx and Engels, said that : « Thanks to it, the young generation who became militants around 1876-1880 learnt the true nature of scientific socialism, its philosophical principles, and its methods. Anti-Dühring is the best introduction to the study of Capital. » Anti-Dühring was a weapon in the theoretical and political struggles against ecclecticism. The working-class movement got over its first infantile disorder thanks to this work of Engels and Marx - a work that did not remain shut up in some intellectual ivory tower, but became « science translated into militancy, to become struggle ».

  • Este volumen es la continuación de la historia de Lotta Comunista que habíamos emprendido con el primer volumen sobre el Grupo originario, entre 1943 y 1952. A mediados de los años Cincuenta, la crisis del estalinismo llevó a los GAAP a dialogar con el grupo Azione Comunista. No obstante, la mayor parte de los efectivos terminó por volver al PCI o en la pasividad. Un pelotón restringido, con Arrigo Cervetto y Lorenzo Parodi, preserva su independencia política y da nacimiento a Lotta Comunista en 1965. Entre miles de adversidades y algunos errores, se restableció una continuidad con la ciencia revolucionaria de Marx y de Lenin

  • A party is built on strategy. The group that founded Lotta Comunista came to this conclusion at the close of the 1950s. It was the central thesis of Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party, the core text of our organisation, written in 1964. As What Is to Be Done? had been for Lenin's party, so Class Struggles has been and is for Lotta Comunista.
    For Marxism, 'strategy' is primarily an assessment of the time-scales and forces of class dynamics, from the objective driving force - capitalist development - to the subjective strength of the revolutionary party.
    In the beginning, there was the war, and its consequences for Europe - the partitions agreed at Yalta and the myth of Stalin's USSR as the bastion of world socialism. The Genoa Pontedecimo Convention, held in February 1951, was the deed of partnership of the group that became the original nucleus of Lotta Comunista in the early '60s. It was a little group of workers, most of whom had been won to politics while fighting as partisans. The world and Europe were shrouded in fog in 1951. The 'Cold War' ideology was predominant and the war in Korea made a global confrontation between the USA and the USSR credible. The idea of 'unitary imperialism', the banner raised by our internationalist struggle against both Washington and Moscow with its State capitalism was the choice that ensured the political independence of that 'handpicked unit'. Theory and strategy would both be developed from there. There were not only the USA and the USSR; global capitalist development was seething with contradictions, starting with Asia. Washington and Moscow were capitals of unitary imperialism, but they were not the only ones: there were also London, Paris, Bonn and Tokyo...not to mention Rome.
    Seeing things from a scientific point of view is a conquest. Welded to organisation, it is the only way to prevent the class forces from being influenced or won over by others. Our point of reference is that one ought to know with whom one is dealing: our autonomy from the forces of capital needs to be defended tooth and nail. This is the secret of our strategy-party.

  • La obra fue escrita en la primera mitad de 1916 y publicada en 1917. Es una síntesis que individualiza las características económicas y políticas de una nueva fase histórica, las leyes contradictorias de su desarrollo, el contenido y las formas del imperialismo. El otro aspecto sobre el que Lenin insiste es el carácter imperialista de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Un conflicto por un nuevo reparto del mundo y una redefinición de las esferas de influencia entre las seis grandes potencias de la época: Francia, Alemania, Gran Bretaña, Rusia, los Estados Unidos y el Imperio Austro-Húngaro.

  • La crisis en Oriente Medio ha puesto en acción a los difusores del miedo. El miedo construido por el "terrorismo reaccionario", el instrumento enloquecido de las burguesías de Oriente Medio, que no tiene escrúpulos en matar a trabajadores inermes y propagar fanatismo y odio racial. Y los miedos agitados en respuesta en Europa y en Occidente: por los cálculos electoralistas del populismo xenófobo, por la posibilidad de experimentar con las ideologías de masas, desde el europeísmo imperialista, desde la "Fortaleza Europa", a los mitos revisitados del choque de civilizaciones.

  • Durante la Primera Guerra Mundial Lenin escribe su ensayo sobre el Estado pero la obra sólo se publica en 1918. Estado y revolución se convirtió en uno de los pilares de la Tercera Internacional y ha sido una referencia indispensable para la comprensión de la dinámica mundial del imperialismo y de su envoltorio político. Lenin analiza a lo largo de su obra diferentes conceptos como la sociedad de clases y el Estado y también diferentes acontecimientos históricos como los conflictos sociales en Francia entre 1848 y 1852 y la Comuna de París de 1871.

  • Sobre los escombros de Alepo - el nuevo simbolo trágico de la barbarie imperialista que puntualmente se acompaña con la cinica lógica de reparto entre la potencias - se ha abierto un nuevo capitulo del sangriento conflicto que flagela a Siria ya desde hace más de cinco años. Mientras tanto, después Paris, el terrorismo reaccionario ha extendido su carga mortal tambien a Bruselas, Niza, Múnich, Berlin y Estambul. Multiplicando asi las semillas envenenadas de aquella politica mediterránea realizada durante dos siglos, tanto en el Norte de África como en Levante, por la propia Francia, en competencia o en acuerdo durante décadas con el imperio inglés, con el ruso y con el imperialismo italiano, aléman y americano.

  • This book is a collection of the analyses of international relations made by Arrigo Cervetto during the first thirty years of his activity as a militant revolutionary. This great analytical work is the outcome of the political battle that Cervetto fought during those years to restore Leninism to Italy, and cannot be separated from his particular interpretation of Lenin's political legacy.
    For Cervetto, and for the small group of revolutionaries that gather round him after the Second World War, this return to Lenin is the indispensable prerequisite for the formulation of a revolutionary strategy. In other words, via Leninism, these militants aspire to raise the communist movement out of the abyss the Fascist, Stalinist and Social-Democratic counterrevolution had cast it into.
    The title of this book picks up a concept, that of « unitary imperialism » in fact, which had been worked out starting from the internationalist debate of the early '50s. From a political point of view, asserting the existence of « unitary imperialism » at that moment in history meant saying above all that one attributed to the ussr, as well as to all the so-called « socialist camp », the same social nature as its opposing Western « capitalist camp ».
    Internationalism thus found a solid theoretical base, but the concept of « unitary imperialism » goes much further than its occasional use in the political struggle against Stalinism.
    In his effort to link up with the essence of the Leninist conception of the revolutionary party, Arrigo Cervetto finds the central core of the continuity between Marx and Lenin in the concept of socio-economic formation.
    Cervetto demonstrates that this scientific acquisition of Marx's is the starting point of Lenin's elaboration and goes so far as to maintain, and to prove, that the Leninist Party is the solution to the problems posed by «Capital», that « the party [is] the apotheosis of Marxist science ».
    The great mass of the material collected in these volumes testifies to Arrigo Cervetto's commitment to his effort to put his conception of the party and the revolutionary struggle into practice.

  • «Sometimes too little attention has been devoted to the fact that the events which stun and break some political tendencies can strengthen and temper others. It is a lesson of the materialist conception of politics.» (Arrigo Cervetto 1988).
    We believe this consideration expresses the spirit of this book in the best possible way. Like The Unprecedented Task, which included texts published between 1996 and 2006, this new volume collects articles from the last fourteen years, from 2007 to 2020, all referring to specific political battles and concrete moments in the life of our party. Whence its essential content: systematic attention paid to the practical translation of general political reflections and analyses.
    Two big crises open and close the whole collection of these writings: the one we have defined as the crisis in global relations - beginning in 2007 - and the present crisis of the pandemic of the century; within a timespan marked by tensions and partial conflicts among the powers, which characterise the «stormy times» of this new strategic phase. It is therefore not by chance that another leitmotiv of the volume consists in our organisational battle, which is the real battlefield on which every result can be ensured, preserved and therefore handed down. We must start, first of all, from the tenet of proletarian internationalism, which must be rebuilt and consolidated, as a vital necessity, within our world class. And this sends us to a final aspect, which is the attention being paid to a new generation, brought to politics precisely in the crises and upheavals of the last fifteen years. Other new energies will emerge in the years to come. They will contribute to facing the even more convulsive developments of the 2020s and 2030s, characterised as can already be glimpsed by the rearmament race between emerging China and Asia and the declining powers of the old order.
    The link in the chain of class organisation will need to be grasped more firmly than ever.

  • Written in the first half of 1916 and published in the spring of 1917, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism remains, even after a century, the most organic synthesis of the characteristics of an epoch that is still continuing.
    While the First World War was raging, faced with the theories of the bourgeoisie and opportunism, and linking himself back to the method of the Masters of Marxism, Lenin identified the economic and political characteristics of this historical phase, the contradictory laws of its development, and the content and forms of imperialism.
    In his preface to the German and French editions of July 1920, the author stressed the dual political and strategic significance of this book.
    It was inspired by the requirements of the political struggle against the pacifist ideologies and the illusory perspective of « global democracy », which prevented the revolutionary minority of the international proletariat from finding an independent perspective and from breaking with its subordination to the ruling class's ideology in all its many variations.
    The other fundamental aspect that Lenin stresses while the revolutionary battle was raging is the imperialist nature of war... a war for a new « division of the world » and a redefinition of the spheres of influence among the six great powers of the time.

  • Lenin explained that in the decades of relatively peaceful development of capitalism, from 1871 to 1914, the social materials that would give birth to social-imperialism accumulated. This objective process emerged in various ideologies ; all of them had a common feature : « opportunistic prejudices » about the nature of the State. The revolutionary process was destined to be stifled by nihilism, maximalism, and inconclusiveness ; to meet with self-destruction, unless it got out of the quicksand of prejudices about the State.
    The first imperialist world war produced the material conditions for revolution : in February 1917 the political crisis in Russia emerged in an acute form, leading to the fall of the autocracy and the birth of the most democratic of republics. What was arrived at was dual power. The parliament and governement co-existed with the soviets, the political shell for the most genuine expression of the revolutionary forces : the workers and poor peasants in uniform.
    The Russian revolutionary labour movement had to operate politically within the framework of the most democratic republic history had ever produced. Without a revolutionary theory about the nature of the bourgeois State there could not be a revolutionary movement of opposition to the most efficient shell of this State - democracy.

  • La estrategia revolucionaria está anclada a la teoría y al análisis científico del desarrollo imperialista y de la dinámica internacional de las potencias. Por esta razón Lenin y la revolución china es uno de los episodios fundamentales de la concepción estratégica de Arrigo Cervetto. « Con la Primera Guerra Mundial » escribe de hecho en el texto « se ha abierto la época de la crisis imperialista y de las revoluciones proletarias. Se ha abierto, y no cerrado, y una época histórica no dura un año. La Revolución de Octubre, íntimamente unida a la Primera Guerra Mundial, es el primer resultado de esta época ».

  • ...Cien años desde 1917. ¿Por qué el asalto de Octubre en Rusia es todavía una enseñanza para las tareas actuales ? ¿ De verdad una conmoción política que se produjo hace un siglo, en un país en vías de desarrollo pero atrasado y periférico, nos puede decir cómo ser comunistas hoy, en el mundo globalizado e interconectado del Tercer Milenio? La batalla de 1917 es una experiencia básica y por esta razón preciosa, no sólo en sus líneas generales sino también en la lección específica de muchos combates particulares.
    La lección histórica de aquel asalto se ha convertido en la guía para la batalla política que está en el orden del día.

  • This book continues the story of Lotta Comunista after the first volume narrating what happened to the original group between 1943 and 1952.
    In the mid-'50s, as a result of the crisis of Stalinism, GAAP, the Anarchist Groups of Proletarian Action, entered into dialogue with Azione Comunista. The latter was a political grouping of maximalist stamp that initially worked as a pressure group within the PCI. It left the PCI in 1956, the momentous year of the «Khrushchev Report», the Suez crisis and the repression of the workers' uprising in Hungary.
    Within a few years, from 1955 to 1958, Azione Comunista completed the essential part of its course, especially after the group merged with GAAP into the Movement of the Communist Left in 1957. The tendency more closely linked to the libertarian tradition at first saw the emergence of PCI dissidence as an opportunity that could substitute proselytism among the anarchists, which had ended in deadlock; but later it would propose merging the movement with Nenni's PSI. A Milanese maximalist splinter group still remained in the Communist Left, until it fell prey to the Maoist myth shortly afterwards. The majority returned to the PCI or lapsed into passivity.
    A small group, including Arrigo Cervetto and Lorenzo Parodi, retained their political autonomy and gave birth to Lotta Comunista in 1965.
    This was the result of a decade of heated battles of a small group to reject the many influences - both national and international - that acted upon Azione Comunista and the more general phenomenon of the crisis of Stalinism in Italy.
    The other face of the decade was a double victory for both strategic analysis - with the theory of unitary imperialism and the 1957 «Theses» - and party theory - with the book Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party.
    This was the crux of the matter - political autonomy based on strategic clarity. In spite of a thousand adversities and some mistakes, continuity with Marx and Lenin's revolutionary science was restored. It would give Leninism a chance to recover in Italy.

  • This is the first lesson of 1917, its highly topical and fecund legacy - strategy party means bringing the consciousness of decisive world facts to our class. This was the case a hundred years ago, in the October assault in Russia. This is the case today, in our battle to entrench a Bloshevik Party in the heart of European imperialism. And it will be the case tomorrow, when the imperialist contention will once again leave no alternatives: either war or revolution, either Socialism or barbarism.
    Then there is a second lesson. The slogan of the German Spartacists - « The Main Enemy is at Home » - stands out on the first issue of our newspaper. That allusion from the 1914-1918 internationalist battle is a point of reference for today, both in our struggle against the ideologies of the "small" homeland of the nation-state and the new ideology of the "big" homeland of the European continental State.
    Today the « locomotive of history » that is driving international struggles of the classes and of the States is not yet imperialist war, but it is huge, uneven, economic and political development - it is Asia's rise that is preparing the future breakdown of order, but meanwhile it proceeds in the present amidst increasingly intense crises and partial conflicts.
    Chinese imperialism is emerging, European imperialism is on the move, the Atlantic powers are declinig and those of the Pacific are gaining a foothold - continent-size forces are fighting each other.
    Tomorrow revolutionary defeatism will establish the class autonomy of every sector of the world proletariat, in the new assault against every bourgeoisie and every imperialism. For us, today, « the main enemy is at home » means « proletarian opposition to European and unitary imperialism ». This is our slogan. It is the offspring of the October Revolution.

  • Los dos textos que hemos reunido en este volumen fueron redactados entre 1847 y 1865. Aunque fueron escritos hace 150 años, y a pesar de su concisión, tienen la impactante capacidad de aclarar numerosos problemas actuales. Además, son una demostración de las facultades de Marx para « popularizar » las nociones complejas : en efecto, al mismo tiempo presenta los fundamentos del análisis cientifico de manera simple y cientifica. Estas dos obras, Trabajo asalariado y capital, así como Salario, precio y ganancia, ofrecen una base sólida e irremplazable para el studio de la teoría marxista de la economía.
    La densidad y la modernidad de Trabajo asalariado y capital son hijas de la combinación entre el objetivo originario y su idea-fuerza. La idea-fuerza es que es propio del capitalismo esconder las relaciones entre las « cosas ». Las características misteriosas de las « cosas » como el capital o el salario son aclaradas reduciéndolas a las subyacentes relaciones entre los hombres. La actualidad del texto se debe a que la relación fundamental no ha cambiado desde entonces. La sociedad continúa basándose en la relación instaurada entre la minoría de hombres que monopoliza los medios de producción - los capitalistas - y la gran mayoría de quienes están privados de ellos y, en consecuencia, se ven obligados a vender su capacidas de trabajar, los asalariados.
    La claridad de la exposición se deriva del objetivo originario de la obra que, como explica Engels en la introducción, es el de divulgar la teoría económica entre los trabajadores. Trabajo asalariado y capital es un conjunto de conferencias que Marx realizó en la Asociación de los Obreros Alemanes de Bruselas después publicado como artículos en la Neue Rheinische Zeitung. La intención de Marx no era cultural sino revolucionaria. No se trataba de una reflexión académica sino de dirigir una batalla.
    Salario, precio y ganancia persigue el mismo objetivo. En su origen es un documento que Marx lee a lo largo de dos sesiones del Consejo General de la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores. En esta intervención Marx responde a las cuestiones planteadas por el « viejo owenista » John Weston, sobre el impacto del aumento de los salarios sobre la situación obrera y sobre la posición de las trade-unions dentro de las batallas salariales.
    Las « novedades » que los dirigentes de la Primera Internacional no son otras que el descubrimiento fundamental del « valor del trabajo » o, con más precisión, el hecho de que es imposible determinar est valor sin introducir el concepto de « fuerza de trabajo ». Salario, precio y ganancia constituye así la primera explicación científica del mecanismo de explotación capitalista.

  • Este tercer volumen de la historia de Lotta Comunista afronta las tres décadas que transcurren entre 1965 y 1995, y es la historia de los combates que han conducido verdaderamente a implantar una organización sobre el «modelo bolchevique».
    En primer lugar, se trata de las batallas que han aferrado las contradicciones internacionales del imperialismo: las guerras de la descolonización y del ascenso de las nuevas potencias, como el conflicto vietnamita, las guerras árabe-israelíes de 1967 y 1973 y el enfrentamiento ruso-chino en los años Sesenta. Además, los conflictos que han resquebrajado la estructura de Yalta y después marcado su disolución: la invasión de Checoslovaquia y los tanques en Praga en 1968, la crisis de reestructuración de 1974-75 que ha mutado las relaciones de fuerza entre las potencias, la invasión de Afganistán, la crisis polaca y el comienzo de la «nueva contienda».
    Ligadas a estas, otras batallas centradas sobre las contradicciones del desarrollo italiano, bajo la presión de los factores internacio-nales condicionantes. La intervención en la crisis del sistema escolar y en las luchas de la espontaneidad tradeunionista a finales de los años Sesenta; las batallas de la segunda mitad de los años Ochenta para reencontrar en la mutación italiana, en las nuevas estratificaciones salariales de los técnicos productores y en las nuevas generaciones de la escolarización de masas, las bases objetivas para el reclutamiento de la tercera generación de Lotta Comunista.
    Quien atraviese hoy el umbral de un círculo obrero se encontrará con militantes jóvenes y menos jóvenes, todos ocupados en diferentes actividades: la reunión del núcleo de fábrica, las invitaciones para la conferencia del curso de marxismo, el «voluntariado comunista» para la difusión del periódico, la visita a los suscriptores y la suscripción para la autofinanciación, la relación de estudio y profundización y las corvée para la limpieza de los locales. Para resumir en una expresión el «factor moral» de estas actividades de los círculos, podríamos hablar de un buen humor ocupado.
    Cuatro generaciones en un partido no habrían sido posibles sin la teoría, la ciencia y la organización pero tampoco sin la pasión de participar en esta empresa colectiva.
    El espíritu verdaderamente humano es el motor de la pasión política. Precisamente, «el gusto por comprender, el gusto por batirse».

  • Wage Labour and Capital finds all its richness and modernity in its combination between the aim for which it was written and its key idea. Accaording to the latter, it is the nature of capitalism to conceal relations among people under the appearance of relations among « things ». The mysterious characteristics of such « things » as capital or wages can be clarified by tracing them back to their underlying relations, relations among people. What explains the topicality of this text is precisely the fact that the fundamental relation, even today, has not changed. Society is founded on the relation established between the minority of people who monopolise the means of production - capitalists - and the vast majority of those who are without them and who are therefore obliged to sell their capacity to work - wage earners.

    Wages, Prices and Profit had the same aim. Originally it was a document read by Marx in the course of two sessions of the General Council of the International Worgingmen's Association, better known today as First International. In these addresses, Marx answered the questions raised by John Weston about the impact of the increase in wages on the workers' situation and the position of the trade unions in wage battles. The « novelties » the leaders of the First International had the chance to know in preview were none other than the discovery ot the « value of labour » or, more precisely, of the fact that it is impossible to determine this value without introducing the concept of « labour-power ». Wages, Price and Profit thus constitutes the first scientific explanation ot the mechanism of capitalist exploitation.

  • This third volume of the history of Lotta Comunista deals with the thirty-year period from 1965 to 1995, and is the story of the battles that really led us to entrench an organisation on the «Bolshevik model».
    First of all, these were battles that grasped the international contradictions of imperialism: the decolonisation wars and the rise of new powers, the Vietnam War and the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli Wars, and the Sino-Russian clash in the '60s. And again, the conflicts that ruptured the Yalta order and then marked its dissolution: the invasion of Czechoslovakia and tanks in Prague in 1968, the restructuring crisis in 1974-75 that changed the inter-national power relations, the invasion of Afghanistan, the Polish crisis and the beginning of the «new contention» in 1980, and German reunification and the collapse of the USSR between 1989 and 1991.
    Linked to these, other battles centred on the contradictions of Italian development, under the pressure of conditioning international factors: our intervention in the educational system crisis and in the struggles of trade-unionist spontaneity at the end of the '60s; the battles of Genoa, Milan and Turin in the '70s and 1980, linked to the Italian consequences of European restructuring; our battle in the second half of the '80s to trace the objective bases for the recruitment of our third Lotta Comunista generation in the Italian transforma-tion, the new technician-producer wage stratifications, and the new mass education generation.
    Whoever steps over the threshold of one of our workers' Clubs today, will find themselves faced with young and less young militants, all rather busy with some planned activity: the factory group meeting, the invitations to attend our Marxist study course, our «communist voluntary work» for the diffusion of our newspaper and making the rounds of our supporters and subscribers to our self-financing, the report on study and in-depth analysis, our Italian lesson for immigrant workers, and the corvée for cleaning the offices and the shelves to put up for our archives and party publications.
    If we were to sum up in a single expression the «moral factor» of that coming and going in our circles, we would say it was busy good humour. Four generations in a party would not have been possible without theory, science, and organisation, but also without the passion of participating in that collective enterprise.
    The fighting spirit for such a great cause, communism as a truly human society, is, instead, the propellant for political passion: enthusiasm in understanding, enthusiasm in fighting.

  • April 1998, «proletarian opposition to European imperialism and unitary imperialism»: for twenty years this has been the watchword of the masthead of our newspaper, «Lotta Comunista». It contains three strategic indications.
    First of all the imperialist content of the European construction, the ultimate driving force behind which is to be found in the world contention and the reaction to the emergence of Asia and China in particular. This theoretical assumption indicates European unity as imperialist scission, i.e. it means the unification of Europe is not an attenuation of the inter-power tensions, but an exacerbation of the division and clash at a global level. The ideology of a benign Europe tells of a European Community born in the '50s as an answer to the self-destruction of the Old Continent in two world wars. On the contrary, the reality of the contention shows an EUin search of the powers and tools to create a power Europe capable of negotiating on a par with the United States and to withstand the impact of the Chinese irruption. If the EU has removed inter-State war and violence from inside itself, it will be to project its power externally.
    Secondly, opposition to European imperialism, i.e. to the «main enemy at home»in the motto of the internationalists in 1914, presupposes struggle not only against the European Union but also against the national shells brandished by capital in the centuries of bourgeois rise and entrenchment up to the imperialist twentieth century, under whose banners Europe was destroyed in the two world wars between 1914 and 1945. Only communist internationalism, with its October 1917 assault, was able to oppose that bloodbath.
    Today the return to the myths of the nation and the sovereignism of the small homelands is idle chitchat in the face of such epochal collisions as the emergence of China or the irruption of the migration flows, but this does not mean it does not cause damage. Besides being the receptacle of the more reactionary and xenophobic ideologies, those fearful ideologies of the petty bourgeoisie and the intermediate strata oppose the unity of the labour market on a continental scale.
    The free circulation of wage earners in the EU, with the room it offers the unity of the proletariat in Europe, is an objective and unprecedented advantage from the viewpoint of relations among the class forces: it needs to be defended against the sovereignist illusions of every stripe, whether they regard the recycling of the old reactionary garbage or the cunning discovery of a left-wing sovereignism on the part of a maximalism in search of electoral gimmicks.
    Lastly, class opposition to the global domination of capital is contained in the concept of unitary imperialism: in the unity-scission dialectic - powers fighting among themselves but united in ensuring class domination -, imperialist development has brought with itself a huge increase in the world proletariat.
    Two billion wage earners: this is the strength of our class at a global level; against the ideologies benumbed by fear of the new political cycle, its vanguard workers must think European in order to look at the world.

  • Los escritos de Marx recogidos bajo el título Las luchas de clases en Francia representan una obra fundamental del marxismo desde al menos tres puntos de vista.
    En primer lugar, proporcionan la reconstitución sin igual de una fase revolucionaria crucial, la de 1848. Aquella «primavera de los pueblos» europea comenzó en febrero en París. En esta ciudad, durante los dos años sucesivos, se concentró una sucesión de luchas sociales y políticas de gran interés. El análisis detallado de Marx es, aún hoy, de lo mejor que puede encontrarse sobre el tema en cuestión.
    En segundo lugar, este brillante resultado se deriva de la concepción materialista de la historia. La idea de que los hechos políticos tienen en última instancia causas económicas, es utilizada aquí por primera vez para explicar «un fragmento de historia contemporánea con la ayuda de su concepción materialista, partiendo de la situación económica dada». La estadística aporta con mucho retraso las «cifras» que permiten definir con precisión una «situación económica determinada». En la aplicación del materialismo histórico al estudio de la vida social de su época, Marx está obligado en cierto modo a proceder marcha atrás: parte de la superficie evidente de los hechos políticos para descender a las causas económicas ocultas, las cuales conforman «en última instancia» la base de estos acontecimientos.
    En tercer lugar, el análisis político de las relaciones sociales en una fase de luchas tan intensas y tan concentradas permite a Marx perfeccionar ciertos puntos de referencia teóricos. Expuestos aquí por primera vez, estos puntos de referencia constituyeron la base para ulteriores desarrollos de la teoría marxista. En Las luchas de clases en Franciaes donde el análisis de la reivindicación proletaria del «derecho al trabajo», recuerda Engels, desemboca por primera vez en la afirmación del objetivo del comunismo, a partir de la fórmula de la «apropiación de los medios de producción por parte de la sociedad».

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